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ADDRESS 

TO THE OEFICERS AND MEMBERS OF THE 
FENIAN BKOTHEKHOOD. 



^ 



Headquaeters Fenian Brotheehood, ) 
No. 10 West Fourth Street, > 
New York, Feb. 27th, 1868. ) 
Brothers : At tlie recent Congress of the Fenian Brother- 
hood, held in Cleveland, your Eepresentatives, there assembled, 
after due deliberation, and liaving the exact position of the 
national body, both here and in Ireland, laid before them, 
adopted a programme of action, fixed the time within which 
it was to be put into operation, and in their own names, and 
on behalf of the Circles they represented, pledged themselves 
to raise a certain amount of resources, in men, money, and 
material, to give effect to the policy laid down for the future^ 
guidance of the organization. Tliat policy was determined 
upon unanimously; and as every delegate present must have 
recognized the necessity of prompt and unanimous action to 
carry it out, it was by special resolution made the duty of 
every one, immediately on his return to the district to which 
he belonged, to go to work to make good the promises given 
in the name of the organization, and to place in the hands of 
its officers the resources calculated upon, without delay or hesi- 
tation. That this was a vital consideration, in the general plan, is 
apparent, since in every revolutiona,ry movement prompt- 
itude is the guarantee of success, and celerity of action is re- 
[ quired to compensate for disparity of forces. Without the cor- 
dial and earnest co-operation of the members of the organiza- 
tion, the officers entrusted with the execution of its plans would 
want the poM^er needed for their practical fulfilmen . Hence, 
when the knowledge is before us that attempts are l)eing made 
to check the progress of tins necessary and patriotic work, we 



\ 



2 

can only regard such efforts as an endeavor to destroy the or- 
ganization, to ruin the grand object for which it has been 
built up, and to defeat the aspirations of the Irish people for 
the freedom of their Fatherland. That such opposition should 
have come from the avowed enemies of Ireland, would be nat- 
ural ; nor should we be surprised if we had experienced, at the 
outset of our work, a renewal of the hostility of those who, 
pretending to have the interest of Ireland at heart, have again 
and again assailed your organization, because your patriotism 
and self-sacrifice have been a reproach to their own selfish in- 
difference, and the vitality and effectiveness of your action 
have more strongly demonstrated the emptiness and inutility 
of the political theories with which they themselves had long 
misled the Irish people, to their degradation and destruction. 
Such assaults have been so often met and repelled by the or- 
ganization, that, at this advanced stage of our movement, with 
so many favoring circumstances to cheer us, and such staunch 
and energetic workers in the ranks, they would scarcely have 
attracted attention. 

But when a deadl}'' blow has been aimed at the organization 
by men who not only profess to be friends of Irish liberty, 
but even to be members of and workers in the Fenian Brother- 
hood, such treason calls for the promptest repudiation and 
punishment of its authors. The open enemy can be met and 
repelled ; the treacherous ally may be watched and defeated ; 
but the faithless, pretended friend, who attempts to plunge the 
poisoned dagger into your back, while you are confronting both, 
in the discharge of the most sacred dnty of patriotism, is a foe 
more dangerous than either, who should not be tolerated within 
our lines a moment longer than would be needed for his expul- 
sion. The Constitution of the Fenian Brotherhood defines such 
conduct as perfidy ; and as such it should be regarded, and 
treated accordingly. 

These are severe reflections upon the conduct of any mem- 
ber of our organization, and they are made with regret. But 
the duty which devolves on your Executive to protect and de- 
fend the Brotherhood and the cause in which it is engaged, leaves 
no alternative. While a hope remained of amendment or cor- 
rection, your officers have labored, by ad^ce and personal remon- 
strance, to avert what has now become inevitable. In return 
they have been met by abuse and misrepresentation ; the 
authority delegated to them by you has been set at naught, 
and the laws of the Brotherhood sought to be undermined by 
secret machinations. To remain silent longer would be crim- 
inal. We cannot fight England while a concealed adversary 



IS sapping our strengtli from within, and we are at last com- 
pelled to warn the Irish ^Nationalists of America against the 
influence now being exerted against them by a journal which, 
lounded on the contributions of patriotic Irishmen, to aid the 
national cause, has, through the perversion and abandonment 
Its true mission wrought more injury to that cause than 
could have been effected by a host of recognized enemies 

The "Ikish Republic" newspaper, published in Chicago, 
111 whidi was started, ostensibly, for the benefit of Ireland 
and the I enian cause, and as such was encouraged and sup- 
ported by men who are ever ready to do all in their power for 
their native land— myself amongst the number— has of late 
descended from its (professed) high and holy purpose to the 
abuse o± the best and most self-sacrificing men of the Fenian 
organization, and sowing the seeds of discord and disunion 
in the vain hope of being able to so split up the organization, 
that the editors might be able to use it for their own corrupt 
political purposes under the hypocritical and delusive cry of 

wu .T- Y"'""?.- ""^^^^ ^" *^'^"' ^^a^'ts they wanted no union. 
Whether the editors of the " Irish Eepublic " are the friends 
or the enemies of the Irish people and the Fenian cause to- 
day, you shall be tbe judges; as I shall make no statements 
which I am not prepared to prove— most of them out of their 
own writings. I must ask your kind indulgence while I show 
those gentlemen up to you as they now appear to me. 

In their issue of July 20th, 1867, we find the following : 

nnc.'lp^XTfrv™''- ?.l™\^- ^—^ ""^^^^^ piously inclined individual, hav- 
ing set fire to his neighbor s house, was one of the loudest in crying for water 

?enL?^ln?l^"^ ^''Tk'- '^ •'^'■'^?'^ ''^^' ^^^^ ^P^^^ing years in fuining the 
Sv n^ ^"^^^^^'^'i^^*^' ^^f ^™g»Dg disgrace and ridicule on their own people^and 
having run as far as their ropes will allow, without actually, as yet hanging 
themselves, are now crying out for Reconstruction! ReconstructioJ say thol 
cnminalbunglei^,isthedrderof the day; so by all means let theVenians b^ 
reconstructed; let_ the present leaders give way for new men, and let both 
branches unite again. It smply means that certain rats, who live in bare cup- 
nn hoL7 o?'"^ '^m *^^.' PfP^^'^ ^''^"^ ^" up-would like to get once more 
there ^ '^' "'*'* ^*'' ^ *™' "^ *^" P^^*^°"^ '^^^' '^^^^J g^^^ded 

rri. " ' '^^'^ branches,' is the glib quotation on the lips of those driveling idiots 
^th^inLd^ r 'r ^'■'^^'f ■ gentlemen, but tfere is only oulnol The 
other is dead It was always rotten. It never bore any fruit but misery and 

Shy- .^S^^"^^ ^^^- '^'^ ^-•— A^^ to nowToSS 

he«vtYT^„!^^^ T"^ ^^t^ ^^' been a good deal on the lips, but never in the 
mWdthfev^^^^^^^ there could be no union. Good men have also 

r unfor, wuf I '^''''^' ^J"^^ *^*y ^'"P^^'i t^^^t' ^t any expense, there should 

question » '' ^"""^ ^^* *^^ ^'^^""^^ ""^ ^""^^'^ ^^°«^«" ^"^^^^ the 



The foregoing, brothers, was intended to apply to others ; 
but who are the " rats " and " driveling idiots," now ? I an- 
swer, the editors of the " Irish Republic." It is they who now 
call for " Reconstruction," It is they who call upon the 
"present leaders to give way for new men, and let both 
branches unite again." It is they who have " Union ! Union !" 
eternally on their lips, but far, very far, from their hearts. It 
is they who have taught and urged upon " good men to misuse 
this excellent word," when they imply that at any expense 
there should be " Union." 

Again, speaking of the men with whom they now pretend 
to be so anxious to unite, they say : 

" We want no more unions with such reptiles. We have union now. Every 
honest man, who has the perception of a mole, is in the ranks of the Brotherhood. 
Let not any honest man be deceived by newspapers supported from the spoils of 
Union Square. There is but one organization now, and that is under the direc- 
tion of Wm. R. Roberts, and the Senate of the F. B. 

" Our organization to-day numbers not less than six hundred Circles in the 
States and Territories, and is working as smoothly and efficiently as the best or- 
ganized government on earth. Who are they that we are ordered to unite with ? 
Can they produce a half dozen Circles in the United States ? Can they produce 
any war material better than the old pikes and shillelahs that used to ornament 
the Head Center's office before he began to gird on the sword which his coward 
hand is afraid to use ? Who elected what they call a Directory ? By what author- 
ity do thfry speak for any portion of our people ? Shall we give up principle, and 
violate our laws, to please every factionist that chooses to bark at us from his 
filthy kennel?" 

" Let not any honest man be deceived by newspapers sup- 
ported by the spoils of Union Square ! " to which I would add, 
nor " let any honest man be deceived by " the misrepresenta- 
tions of a newspaper, now supported by political tricksters, for 
the basest of political purposes. " There is but one organiza- 
tion now, and that is under the direction of Wm. R. Roberts 
and the Senate of the F. B." If the teachings of the " Irish Re- 
public" were to prevail, which they will not, there would soon be 
no Fenian organization at all, but in its stead would be built up 
a political faction, which, if it did not succeed in freeing Ireland, 
would be sure to reward its originators with some high and 
honorable position, commensurate with their distinguished ser- 
vices. " Our organization numbers not less than six hundred 
Circles in the States and Territories, and is working as smoothly 
and efficiently as the best organized government on earth." 
The foregoing being true, then why have those gentlemen so 
much fault to find with the " bunglers " at headquarters, who 
are conducting the affairs of the organization. " Shall we 
give up principle, and violate our laws to please every faction- 
ist that chooses to bark at us from his filthy kennel? " Assur- 



edly not ; and the sooner those " factionists " cease " barking," 
the better. We are not to be driven from, the path of right 
and justice, bj all the " factionists " in the land. 

On the 20th of July, 1867, according to the statement of 
the " Irish Republic," the Fenian organization, under Col. 
Wra. E. Roberts, was in a very flourishing condition, and 
" working as smoothly and efiiciently as the best organized 
government on earth." Why, then, did the editors try to 
force upon the organization a set of " principles," which, would 
at once completely demoralize it. Simply, because that is 
what they want : anarchy, infidelity, and political chicanery 
must be introduced, or the organization must fall to pieces. I 
select from the seven " great principles," laid down by those 
gentlemen, for the adoption of, and promulgation by, the Fe- 
nian Congress, which assembled at Cleveland, Ohio, Septem- 
ber 3, 1867 : 



" IV. Our fourth great principle has reference to the only effectual mode of 
action open to us. We are a nation without a country, and consequently destitute 
of the right to wage war on our own account. Yet, war we must make, and in 
the holiest cause that ever man struggled for, or Heaven approved. How is it to 
be done ? There is no earthly way but one ; become a secret, sworn organization ! 
You are compelled already to do it partially : do it universally and consistently. 
We warn you that, till you do it, you will never accomplish your object ; and the 
men who oppose your becoming a secret society, do not wish you to accomplish 
it. Most likely, certain influence is too strong a^ong you to let our advice be 
taken. But mark the consequences ; you will fail ; and your failure will be on 
your own heads. We, at least, have endeavored to do our duty." 

" VI. Our sixth great principle has reference to the selection and rotation of 
our legislative and executive officers and officials. The President of the United 
States is frequently changed. Is our " chief" to be a permanent fixture ? Do not 
misunderstand us. Taken as a whole, the conduct of Colonel Roberts has been 
honorable and upright, and we advocate his re-election. We know no other man 
that is worthy to take his place. But the principle must be left intact for all 
that, and we call on you to apply it stringently to every other executive officer in 
the organization. We must not have a new edition of O'Mahonyism. It is 
creeping in, and is already all but immovably ensconced in your high official 
places. Let Vice-presidents, Senators, Secretaries of War and Civil Affairs, and all 
your principal officers, be changed. We demand it as a right, and if you attempt 
to saddle certain select men as permanent burdens on the shoulders of our people, 
the world will hear more of it." 

Brothers, I was not at the Cleveland Convention, but I 
most heartily approve of the action of your own intelligent 
and patriotic representatives who were there assembled, and 
who saw the evils that would result from the adoption of the 
" great principles " above mentioned. I need not tell you 
what would be the result of making our organization " a secret, 
sworn organization." Your best and bravest men would leave 



it, and the originators and their followers would be left withy 
not a powerful organization, having for its object the liberation 
of an enslaved people, but one that would use whatever in- 
fluence it might possess to have our people trample upon reli- 
gion and erect a school of anarchy and infidelity in its stead • 
or, in the language of the Irish Repuhlio^ to teach our 
people how to "' own their own souls;" or, what means the 
same thing, to have them always ready to sell to the highest 
political bidder. The only oath required in our organization^ 
is an oath of secrecy regarding our military operations, which 
oath the military men are required to take. The assertion that 
" the men who oppose your becoming a secret society" do not 
wish you to accomplish your object, is as false as the source 
from whence such lies emanate. Your best and bravest and 
most self-sacrificing men — men who have shown their fidelity 
in the past — who stood by you and the Fenian organization at 
a time that tried men's souls — who have evinced a willingness 
to risk their lives, and are still ready to die, if need be, for the 
dear Old Land they love so well — are opposed to making our 
organization " secret oath-bound." But mark the consequences 
denounced against us : " You will fail ; and your failure will 
be on your own heads." That the editors of the '' Irish Re- 
public " have done all in their power to make the cause " fail," 
and, so far as they could, to carry out their own prophecy, is 
very evident ; but that it " will fail," or that they can cause it 
to " fail," is not within the sphere of their mighty intellect, 
and they know no more about it than the child unborn. Your 
representatives, in council assembled, did not deem it wise or 
advisable to adopt or carry out the " fourth great principle " of 
the " Irish Republic," by changing " all the principal ofiicers " 
of the Fenian Brotherhood ; and in this they acted wisely and 
patriotically. They selected their best men — men who had 
been tried and found true as steel. But, sure enough, " the 
world has heard more of it" — or at least that portion of the 
world wliich is blessed by the effulgence of the " Irish Repub- 
lic ; " for from that day to this, these men have been slandered 
and vilified with a persistent malignity that would blacken a 
saint of God. 

The "seventh great principle" closes with the following 
piece of egotism and impertinence : 

" We have pointed out the true course. We can go hand in hand with all 
true men — even to death, so long as they pursue it. When they refuse or turn 
aside, we can travel it alone." 

Now, brothers, in this last sentence yon have the key to the 
cry for "union" first raised by the "Irish Republic," and its 



subsequent course. It laid down certain principles, which 
your representatives at the Cleveland Congress wisely rejected; 
and now, as they themselves tleclared beforehand, they are 
"traveling alone" — like a certain angel we read oi\ who, not 
being able to rule in heaven, determined to set up a kingdom 
of his own, and drag all he could after him. Let them " travel 
it alone:" we have no inclination to accompany them. 

Again, under date of November 9th, 1867, addressing 
themselves to Mr. Savage, they say : 

" We desire a formal union, if it can be had. But mark this : so long as a 
foul-mouthed slanderer like John O'Mahohy comes out, week by week, and, in 
your name and as your organ, covers the names and characters of our best and 
most devoted men with his vile and venomous slime, we ask you, is union either 
likely or practicable ?******* 

" Your representatives at Cleveland openly disavowed all connection with this 
cunning and mischievous charlatan. We call on you publicly to do the same. If 
you do not, your professed desire for union is a sham and a lie." 

Has John O'Mahony ceased to slander " our best and 
bravest men? " JSTo ; but the editors of the "Irish Republic" 
are now helping him. Has Mr. Savage publicly disavowed all 
connection with him ? ITeither the one nor the other ; and the 
editors of the " Irish Republic " know it. But what care 
they for consistency ! They have their own axe to grind. 

Again, under date of November 26th, 1867, we find the 
following : 

<< * * * Next, take our 'leaders' and lecturers, whether within the pale 
of the Fenian Brotherhood or outside the ranks of that organization. Clerical de- 
nunciations, episcopal influences, for or against, as the case may be, — are not these 
their regular stock in trade ? Are not ' messages ' and addresses, and harangues 
generally, absolutely bristling with denials and disclaimers of ' infidelity ' as well 
as ' revolution ' with the most solemn asseverations of their devotedness to their 
' religion,' — nay, sometimes even with benevolent supplications, ofifered up to the 
Eternal, that ' the tongue may wither ' that dares to utter a sentence against the 
dogmas to which their souls cling as their first and chiefest concern ? Such advo- 
cacy as this will never free Ireland. No, not if its authors and their victims were 
to live and rant for ten thousand years. They make the cause of their country 
secondary to other considerations ; and men who do that will never tread down 
everything that lies in the way of Ireland's liberty. And more, and worse than 
that, they are not free agents. They are bound, hand and foot, by influences and 
by men who are leagued with Ireland's enemies, and who for years have been 
moving heaven and earth to crush those who were laboring to effect her national 
deliverance. We have a great revolution to effect, and the idea of our being led 
by men who are not revolutionists, but who lie like lambs under the heels of 
those who are its sworn enemies, is an absurdity and a blunder of which no other 
people on earth would be guUty but our own." 

In the foregoing paragraph, brothers, you have the true 
cause of the hostility of the " Irish Republic " to the present 
officials and leaders of the Fenian organization. Most of them 
are Catholics, devoted to their religion, and this, in the opinion 



of the Irish. Republic, makes them " bunglers " — not fit for 
" revolutionists " — -who must " stand aside " and leave room 
for Infidels — men like James- Stephens, perhaps, who are 
" free agents " (very free with the people's money), and " who 
own their own souls !" " The idea of being led by such men is 
an absurdity and a blunder," which the editors of the " Irish 
Republic " are not going to stand. We opine they may 
possibly lie down under it, " like lambs " — for these men are 
not going to " stand aside " to accommodate them. 

Again, under date of December 7th, 186Y, we read as fol- 
lows : 

" We desire that the Fenian Brotherhood shall become a Revolutionary 
Brotherhood, having but one object in view — the freedom of their country — and 
being -willing to trample all considerations under foot that come between it and 
its object. We desire that the men who compose this Brotherhood shall own 
their own souls, and shall be willing to push aside all obstacles that stand in the 
way of liberty, whether these obstacles be English red-coats or Orange yellow- 
coats. Catholic bishops or Protestant ministers. Either make the Brotherhood a 
. revolutionary body, led by men who will not cower at ecclesiastical anathema, 
or make it a simple agitation society, where England can be scolded to the satis- 
faction of the remnant of all the old wives of the old school. We -will have no 
men pining in British dungeons, or swinging on British scaffolds, while we are 
too virtuous to retaliate." 

There is no mistaking the foregoing paragraph. The 
ingenious writer who tries to confound the Catholic bishops 
and priests with the Irish Orangemen, and English Red coats — 
who would have you disregard the teachings of the Church, 
and trample religion under foot — who would couple the Eccle- 
siastical anathema with English law — has but one object in 
view, which is to uproot religion, to destroy all that is grand 
and noble in the Irish character, and establish Red Repub- 
licanism and Infidelity in its stead, so that the Irish people, 
forsooth, may become fit subjects for a "Revolutionary 
Brotherhood !" Brothers, beware ! Our fathers fought man- 
fully for God and country, for the last three hundred years. 
Shall we now forsake the faith of our fathers, at the bidding 
of a professed Infidel, whose mission seems to be to insinuate 
himself into the affections of our people, under the pretense 
of patriotism, so that he may work their destruction. Brothers, 
this writer can offer us nothing now that has not been offered 
a thousand times before by the English Q-overnment, and as 
often rejected. We can neither sell our country, nor deny our 
God. 

Again, under date of January 11, 1868, they advocated the 
establishment of three organizations, the first to be organized 
under the " Banner of Repeal," and provide for the second 
and third, as follows : 



" Let those who believe ia physical force, and who will aot enter into oath- 
botind or secret societies, go on as they hare be^n doing, drilling, talking, arming, 
and telling their business to all creation. This will embrace the second army corps, 
which wiU be quite as large and as powerful as the first. The third corps will 
consist of those who believe that secret organization is the safest and most 
powerful, in fact, the only effectual medium to work revolution." 

In the foregoing we have the solution to the great anxiety 
recently evinced by the editors of the " Irish Republic " to 
have a convention of the " Fenian Brotherhood," not, as is pre- 
tended, to bring about a union of all true Irish Nationalists, 
but for the purpose of trying once more to establish a " secret 
oath-bound organization," which is, as they say, the only effect- 
ual medium to work revolution — an organization which they 
themselves could control for their own corrupt purposes. A 
" Repeal " Association is well enough for bishops, priests, and 
such as John Martin, The O'Donoghue, and men of their stamp. 
The legitimate Fenian organization, as it exists at present, will 
do well enough for old grannies, like you, brothers, and myself, 
who don't " own our own souls," according to the " Irish Re- 
public," — who are willing to shed rivers of blood, if need be, 
in fair and honorable fight, but who are not willing to shed a 
single drop of blood by the dagger of the assassin. Such an 
organization will do for us, and " will embrace the second army 
corps, which will be quite as large and powerful as the first." 
But " the third corps will consist of those who believe that 
secret organization is the safest and most powerful, in fact, the 
only effectual medium to work revolution." Yes, this corps 
will consist of men who " own their own souls," and who are 
as ready to sell them to the highest political bidder as they 
would their country — the only men fit for leaders of the Irish 
people ! Oh ! my country ! Well might your exiled sons and 
daughters weep if the shackles that have bound you for centu- 
ries were still to confine your mangled limbs until rent asunder 
by these men. But no ; weep not ! The true and brave of 
your race — men who will neither trample upon nor mock at 
religion, who will neither curse the Sagarth Aruin nor trafiic 
in Irish patriotism, have sworn before high heaven to devote 
their lives to the cause of Irish liberty, imploring the God of 
Battles to aid them, and will not be driven from their high and 
holy mission, though all the demons in hell, backed by their 
accomplices on earth, should combine to throw obstacles in 
their way. 

Under date of Jan. 18, 1868, we find the following: 

" Stop the supplies ! Do not send a sing'e cent of money to the headquarters 
of either party until a union is effected." ****** 
************* 

'!"The appointment of General John O'Neill as acting President of the Organ- 



10 



ization receives our warmest indorsement, and will continue to receive our earnest 
support. There are few Irishmen living better entitled to the position. We 
had fondly hoped to see him, at an early date, the recognized head and leader 
of the United Irish Nationalists of America. Nor do we yet wholly despair, 
although something has occurred of late by which the fair and flattering pros- 
pect has been sadly obscured. We allude to the publication of ' the proclama- 
tion ' or address, in which the action of certain persons in England is denounced as 
bringing discredit on the cause of our country. Now we are no advocates of 
assassination; but if England murders our innocent brothers, then as a nation 
virtually at war with England, we must seek reprisals. Let the titled murderers 
be selected and dealt with as they deserve, for the punishment of their hired 
tools, in the form of jailers and policemen, is hardly worth our attention. But 
surely this whole matter could have been deferred for a few days till the vital 
question of united organization and action was decided; after that, it and all 
kindred questions could be discussed and decided by the united representatives 
of our entire nation. At any rate, the matter is too unimportant to be allowed 
to stand in the way of that union which is the first element of strength, and 
the sure forerunner of victory. Let the Fenians of America, therefore, lay aside 
for the present every minor consideration, rnd unite under General O'Neill." 

" The appointment of General John O'Keill as acting 
President of the organization receives our warmest indorse- 
ment, and will continue to receive our earnest support. There 
are few Irishmen living better entitled to the position." But 
" stop the supplies !" withhold from him the onlj means by 
which he can do anything for Ireland ! Brothers, how beauti- 
fully consistent are those gentlemen ! For whom do they take 
me ? Do they judge me from their own elevated stand-point ? 
Am I in search of some political office — in the securing of 
which I can have their " warmest indorsement " and " earnest 
support ?" If such were my ambition, their " indorsement " 
and " support " were not necessary. If I were mean and con- 
temptible enough to take advantage of my popularity with my 
countrymen since the 2d of June, 1866, and had been willing 
to barter my conscience and my patriotism, I opine I would 
not have had much trouble in securing a comfortable political 
position. But my only ambition — nay, the great object of my 
life — is to serve my native land ; and this those gentlemen 
would prevent, if possible, by " stopping the supplies " and 
leaving us to fight with empty hands. But I have also sinned 
by publishing a " proclamation " or address denouncing the 
murder of innocent persons, and condemning assassins gener- 
ally, and am not willing to substitute the dagger of the assas- 
sin, whether applied to " titled " lords or " hired tools," for 
the sword and bayonet in "honorable fight." "Let the 
Fenians of America, therefore, lay aside for the present every 
minor consideration and imite under Gen. O'lTeill." Oh, 
hypocrisy, where is thy shame? Beautiful unity indeed would 
we have if the people followed their advice ; but they will not. 



11 

Under date of February 22, 1868, we find the following : 

* * * * " "We protest against this conspiracy to destroy the hopes of our 
country. We could disclose facts concerning the means taken by leaders to get 
the indorsement of Circles that would astonish those men who cannot account for 
our contimied divisions." 

Yes, brothers, they could disclose "falsehoods," not " facts," 
as they have done in the following paragraph : 

* * * * " Where circles were about protesting against the action of both 
sides in their failure t6 cement an union on some petty technicality, no less than 
one President, one Senator and two or three organizers have hurried to the scene 
of conflict and bullied the simple-minded members into an indorsement of this. 
and that man, and thanked them for standing on constitutions." 

Brothers of Rochester, N. Y., it was to yon that one Presi- 
dent (myself) and one Organizer " hurried," not " one Presi- 
dent, one Senator, and two or three Organizers," as is falsely 
stated above — the Senator being a resident of your city, and 
one of yourselves, and one of the two Organizers, not " three," 
having accidentally stopped at your city — without any inten- 
tion or desire, as you well know, to address you on that occa- 
sion. Are you the " simple-minded men " whom we " bul- 
lied into an indorsement of this or that man ?" You know it 
to be false, brothers. We are not " bullies," and you are not 
the " simpletons " to be bullied ; a more intelligent lot of 
Irishmen I have never met in any city in America. You had 
been deceived and stuffed with lies. We presented plain and 
simple truths for your consideration ; and falsehood vanished 
from before your gaze as the snow melts before the noon-day 
sun. 

Again we read : 

****'< rpjjg Qjj]y objection that we have heard urged against setting 
men aside is, that their places cannot be filled. Well, heaven help us, if, out of 
fifteen millions of the Irish race, we cannot find mea to fill the positions better 
than those who have had charge of Fenianism in the past, we are a sorry set of 
people. We are not even up to the dead level of mediocrity." 

High-sounding words those, brothers, but you know what 
they mean. You know how many of those " fifteen millions " 
belong to the Fenian organization, both branches, to-day.. 
You know how many of those "fifteen millions" belonged to 
it in this country, while it was supposed to be a " secret, oath- 
bound organization." You know how many would belong to 
it in a month from this date, if those gentlemen's " great prin- 
ciples " were adopted. 

****<■ We draw attention of our readers to the following set of resolu- 
tions passed before senators, generals, and organizers at large could sway the 
multitudes with their presence." * * * * 

What august " presences " ours must be ! " Sway the 



12 

multitudes." Brothers, why are we'able to "sway" you in 
such "multitudes?" Simply because we came before you in 
our " littleness " (surely men of our " littleness " ought not 
to be able to " sway the multitudes !") with plain, simple, 
honest facts ; because you know we are thoroughly in earnest ; 
because you know we have shown a willingness to sacrifice 
ourselves and our brightest worldly prospects to serve Ireland, 
and now solemnly declare to you that we are ready to do still 
more in the future. This, brothers, is why you welcome us in 
"multitudes," wherever you have an opportunity of doing 
so, and assure us of your determination to do your part in the 
glorious work of Ireland's redemption. 

You know that at your various congresses, you selected 
your best and most available men. But now, — seeing that you 
have not selected to suit those gentlemen, — the true and tried 
men, whom you did select, are to be vilified and slandered with, 
perverse malignity. 

Brothers, why have I dwelt so long on this, to me, very 
unpleasant subject. Simply because I fear that some of you 
have been led to believe (as I confess I was myself) that those 
gentlemen of the " Irish Republic," who have plied you so 
incessantly with their plausible sophistries and cry for " union," 
almost ever since the Cleveland Convention, — where certain 
measures were decided upon, which one of the editors, Mr. S., 
with others, pledged himself to assist in carrying out (which, 
pledge he has broken) — were sincere and patriotic, when, in their 
hearts, they desired no union that would not carry out the 
principles, that you, through your representatives, refused to 
adopt. Their every act, from that day to this, has been to di- 
vide and destroy the mighty organization described by them- 
selves, in their issue of July 20th, 1867, in the vain hope that 
by getting up dissensions within our own ranks, they might 
yet succeed in carrying out the threats already alluded to. With 
this object in view, they raised the cry of " union " almost with 
the same breath that they assured us that " union " with the 
" poisonous fungus," which they called the other branch, 
would "kill us too." Previous to the Cleveland Congress,- 
they would have no " union ; " but, failing to carry out their 
designs at the Congress, they immediately after raised the cry 
of " union," as a cloak to their treachery. It is not " union " 
but disunion they want, and their hypocritical cry is a mock- 
ery and a lie. I, myself, led away by their hollow preten- 
sions, came to this city, last jSTovember, to attend a meeting of 
the Senate, and at once urged the necessity of making an effort 
to bring about a " union " — with what success, you are already 
aware. The Senate, with President Roberts first, and myself 



18 

afterwards, did all that honor and justice would permit us to 
do, to accomplish that very desirable object. But we failed, 
not, as some have falsely asserted, because we were " opposed 
to union," but, because the other party wanted no " union " 
that would not give them the entire control of the organiza- 
tion : and permit them to squander your hard-earned money, 
as they had done before. That such is the fact, I need only 
call your attention to the following, from Mr. Savage's organ, 
the " Irish People," of 15th inst. The resolutions, as published 
from nearly all their Circles throughout the country, are simi- 
lar in import to those of Manhattan District : 

From the Irish People, Feb. 15, 1868. 
THE MANHATTAN REPRESENTATIVES IN COUNCIL. 

We publish the following manifesto with great pleasure. We rejoice to find 
that onr Brothers of Manhattan are at last thoroughly convinced that the real 
object of the late proposals made by the " President " and " Senate " of the Mee- 
hanites to the Chief Executive of the Fenian Brotherhood was to prevent, or, at 
least, delay the unification of the organized patriots of this country under one 
administration, not to accomplish it. Under the prudent and honest direction of 
John Savage at this side, and by the moral force resulting from the late action of 
Colonel Thomas J. Kelly and his associates at the other side, a reunion of all 
that is good and true among the Fenians of America was in course of rapid com- 
pletion in spite of Meehan and his "Senate." The sufferings and blood of our 
noble martyrs were bearing an abundant harvest among the deluded but earnest 
and honest followers of the " Secessionists," and they were already rallying by 
Circles and individually to the standard of John Savage. If this were allowed 
to have gone on much longer, Meehan and his " President " and his " Senate " and 
his paid " military staff " and his " paid organizers," would have been soon left 
without followers, alone in their official glory. But worse than all, funds for the 
" Men at Home " would have come in to the Fenian Treasury in quantity suffi- 
cient to enable Colonel Kelly to continue his daring and patriotic labors to their 
completion. These results were what the Meehanites had sought to prevent or 
retard by their late dishonest and perfidious scheme under the pretext of union. 
To some extent they have been successful. Their " Paid Organizers " were sent 
forth anew under the mask of " Union Agents," and they paralyzed for a time the 
awakening energy of many Circles throughout the country by persuading them 
to retain their financial subsidies until the completion of a union they never 
meant to complete. We congratulate the officers and representatives of the Fe- 
nian Circles of Manhattan on having taken an energetic course towards the rem- 
edy of these evil results. We trust their example will be promptly followed up, 
and that their counsel will be acted on by the whole Brotherhood. Thus shall 
Meehan and Meehan's " Senate" and Meehan's "President," and the entire of 
Meehan's corrupt hireling gang be foiled in their treacherous designs. Thus shall 
the British Government and aristocracy be disappointed, for once, in their hopes 
of having our senseless and pernicious dissensions rendered perpetual : 

RESOLUTIONS OF THE (SAVAGe) FENIAN BROTHERHOOD OF MANHATTAN, ON THE LATE 
UNION NEGOTIATIONS. 

• At a meeting of the officers and delegates of the District of Manhattan, held 
at No. 267 Bowery, Sunday, February 2, 1868, thirty-five Circles being repre- 
sented, the following preamble and resolutions were unanimously adopted : 

Whereas, The recent negotiations between John Savage, C. E. F. B., and the 
" Senate," have faDed to bring about the Union of all Irish Nationalists, so much 
desired by all good and true Irishmen ; and 



14: 



Whereas, We, the representatires of Manhattan, have watched the action and 
carefully perused the correspondence of Mr. Savage and the Senate Committee, 
and find, after due deliberation, that the gentlemen known as the " Senate," have 
in toto disregarded the spirit, and letter of the Basis, as laid down by the Senate 
Committee and Mr. Savage ; and 

Whereas, "We deem it incumbent that all true Irishmen should declare their 
s^itiments and give expressions to their feelings in regard to those negotiations ; 
and 

Whereas, We have every reason to believe that the action of some of the Cir- 
cles of the Senate party, in not sending their moneys to their Headquarters, and 
advising the Circles of the F. B. to retain their moneys, to be a deep laid scheme 
for some sinister purpose, and not for the carrying out of the project we hold so 
dear, assisting those who have so daringly resisted the English power ; and 

Whereas, Inasmuch as we recognize John Savage, C. E. F. B., as the only me- 
dium between the F. B. of America and the gallant Colonel Thomas J. Kelly and 
the men of Ireland and England, we deem it our duty to give all the support in 
our power to him alone who is recognized by those gallant men. Be it, there- 
fore, 

Resolved, That in the opinion of this body Mr. Savage has done everything 
to create the Union desired consistent with the welfare of the Organization and 
the freedom of our native land. 

Resolved, That it is the firm conviction of this body that the " Senate," in ap- 
pointing their Committee and in inaugurating those negotiations at a time when 
the cable dispatches announced to us the wonderful success of Colonel Thomas J. 
Kelly and his comrades, were only intended to counteract the glorious work be- 
gun by our Brothers in Ireland, by stoppin;; the supplies which Mr. Savage was, 
and is, furnishing those brave men ; and it is further 

Resolved, That we pledge to our C. E. our undivided support, and that of our 
constituents, in furthering the cause of Irish independence ; and we hereby call 
upon all Circles, irrespective of party, to unite heart and hand with us in aiding 
our Executive in giving the sinews of war to those men who are to-day planning 
and vigorously laboring for the overthrow of English domination in Ireland. 

Resolved, That these resolutions be published in the Irish People, Boston 
Pilot, Irish Citizen, Irish-American, Daily Star, and all the leading journals in the 
United States ; and that copies be immediately printed for distribution to Circles 
not within the limits of this District. 

Joseph Paul, District Centre. 

L. Farley, Je., District Secretary. 

Brothers, with our knowledge of OoL T. J. Kelly, and his 
actions in England and Ireland, a portion of w'hich have been 
furnished you, we could not consent to send your hard-earned 
money to this man — as w^e are informed by his own organ 
that Mr. Savage "sends him every ten dollars he gets hold of, 
M'ithout waiting for any more." Neither could we turn over 
your ])roperty to John Savage and his party to dispose of at 
pleasure. And any " union " which would not compel us to do 
this would never satisfy the other side. I give another extract 
from an editorial in Mr. Savage's organ, of 22d instant. It 
speaks for itself: 

"THE MERIDAN FENIANS ON UNION. 

" What we have said respecting the resolutions of our friends in Middletown, N. 

Y., are exactly applicable to the following. We ask of the Fenians of Meridan will 

they allow the perfidious schemes of " Meehan of the Documents" and his " Senate" 

to succeed in crippling Col. T. J. Kelly, and in throwing him into a British dun- 



15 



geon ? There can be no union under the " Man of the Documents " or any of his 
tools. The honest men that know something -will not allow it. Savage belongs to 
no faction. He is neutral and all for Ireland. He does not wish, and will not 
hold office an hour longer than the necessities of Fenianism require it. Find a 
more impartial man and he will retire ; but he will not be allowed to retire 
for a Meehanite. Has "Paid Organizer," alias "Union Agent" McWiUiams, 
iDeen in Meridan ? — Ed. I. P." 

ISTow, brothers, I don't wish jou to understand, from the 
foregoing, that I have no hope of effecting a union of all true 
Irish nationalists in America— yes, and in Ireland, too. If I 
did not entertain such a hope, then certain gentlemen would 
not have to ask at least one " leader" to " stand aside," more 
than once ; for, whatever others may think about it, the position 
of President of the Fenian organization — simply to occupy an 
office in ]!^ew York, or any other citj'- of the Union — has no 
charms for me, and could not retain me a single hour. The 
only inducement the position can hold out to me is, the hope 
of Ijeing able, at no distant day, to be at the head of an army 
in the field, fighting for Irish liberty — and for this I have made 
personal* sacrifices of no ordinary character, x^o man, in or 
out of the organization, feels the necessity of a united Fenian 
Brotherhood more than I do. And no man is more willing to 
acknowledge that it will require the " united strength " of the 
Irish people, at home and abroad, to cope with the power of 
England ; and every energy that I can put forth shall be de- 
voted to that sacred and holy work. I have already done my 
share in trying one plan for bringing about a " union," As 
that failed, I now propose another — and this latter I believe to 
be the only plan that will succeed. You remember, brothers, 
over two years ago,- a division took place in the Fenian ranks. 
Much time was spent in trying to bring about a reconciliation ; 
any amount of eloquence and denunciation was brought to 
bear, and not a little corruption was practiced and money 
spent, at least on one side; but all in vain. Six months passed 
away and found an almost impassable barrier between the con- 
tending parties. At length those who adhered to the Oonsti- 
tntion of the Brotherhood, adopted at Philadelphia, succeeded 
in preparing an army for the field, while they were being de- 
nounced as " traitors to the cause of Ireland " by the other 
side, who threw every possible obstacle in their way. Soon a 
few men crossed the border, met the common enemy and 
whipped him. All at once "union " was accomplished. An 
hour at 'Pidgeway and Fort Erie did more to unite the Irish 
element at home and abroad than a dozen conventions could 
have done. Men who were ready to tear each other to pieces 
a few days before the 2d of June, 1866, on that day were 



16 

ready to fly into each other's arms in brotherly love, and 
trample their prejudices under foot. Now, brothers, go to 
work at once ; perform the pledges you made at Cleveland ; 
and, my word for it, you shall have a united Fenian organiza- 
tion by the shortest practical route ; and if you should desire 
a convention to ratify it, you shall have one on the enemy's 
territory. We cannot bring our whole strength together at 
first ; it will not be needed ; there are enough of men ready to 
take the initiative. Perform your duty, redeem your pledges, 
and all will be well. The first battle of the American Revo- 
lution was fought at Lexington by a mere handful of raw, un- 
disciplined soldiers. The people were by no means united in 
tlieir determination to commence the war ; but the first gun 
fired aroused the blood of the American Colonies ; and soon a 
Washington, who had hardly been heard of as a soldier before, 
came forth to lead the people to victory, to humble the pride 
of haughty England, and defeat her best armies, commanded 
by her ablest generals. When we struck before, thousands 
who had never belonged to the Fenian organization were 
I'eady to join us in the field. Some of the ablest generals of 
America were on their way to offer their services to us. When 
we again show those ofiicers and soldiers that we are in earn- 
est, that the fight for Iwsh liberty has already commenced, 
they will undoubtedly join us without waiting for conventions. 
But the start must be made by the Fenian organization — you, 
brothers, must do this. The resolutions of your Senate, passed 
January 1st, 1868, and j^romulgated January 6th, will be 
strictly adhered to. Pay no attention to anything to the con- 
trar}^ ; — we have not a moment's time to lose. Croakers may 
find fault with this or that, and offer a thousand excuses for not 
performing their duty. Cowards may retreat ; but for the true 
men of the organization there is but one word — Forwaed ! 

Brothers, there has been much talk recently — ^let us hope 
without reflection — about " leaders." As I am at the head of 
your organization, I must, I suppose, consider myself a 
" leader." Now, I want it to be distinctly understood, that I 
accepted the position of President of your organization, with 
the understanding that I should " lead." I fear, however, 
that, some of the gentlemen who talk so glibly about " lead- 
ers," would neither want to " lead," nor follow, where I will 
" lead," — for fight we naust, and fight desperately ; and I have 
never yet asked a man to go where I was not willing to 
"lead."' If those gentlemen suppose that I want to be a 
" leader " in any other capacity than that of a soldier, fight- 
ing for Ireland, they will soon find out their mistake. 

And now, brothers, on you rests the responsibility of sue- 



17 

cess or failure. Fight we will, in any event ;• and if you but 
do your duty, success is sure to crown our efforts. But you 
must do it at once : the hour is propitious. Obey the orders 
and instructions sent you from these Head-quarters. Pay no 
attention to counsel or advice from any other source. Beware 
of political tricksters, who may want to join our organization 
for their own selfish purposes ; they have worked much mis- 
chief in the past; have nothing to do with them in the future. 
Our organization has only one mission : the liberation of Ire- 
land. All side issues, introduced by designing men, are simply 
meant to detract and mislead from the original purpose, and 
must be avoided. ISTo man traveling around, not authorized 
from these Head-quarters, has any right to organize Circles, and 
should not be permitted to address Fenian meetings. Ko mat- 
ter what outside recommendations he may have, or who he 
may know, or what name he may assume, authority must come 
from the proper source. Men who form what they call " Inde- 
pendent Circles," are not in communication with us, and are 
not Fenians. M\. who are entitled to the name of Fenians 
must conform to the Fenian Constitution, which is the only 
guide for all, from the President down ; and no man has a 
right to step outside of it. I would particularly caution you 
against agents who are going around the country organizing 
" secret, oath-bound organizations," They mean no good for 
Ireland. Brothers, it has been stated, falsely, that we are 
" too virtuous " to revenge the death of the martyrs who were 
murdered at Manchester. " We are not in favor of shedding 
blood." Believe it not, brothers. On the night of the 1st of 
June, 1866, your present Executive, or " leader," as some 
would call him, had about fi.ve hundred men, without artillery, 
under his command at Frenchman's Creek, C. W. He knew 
he was being closely surrounded by nearly five thousand men. 
Did he then give any proof of being afraid to " shed blood ?" 
]l!^o ; he was willing to sacrifice himself and every man that he 
commanded, in " fair and honorable fight." You know the 
result. On the following evening, after marching nearly forty 
miles, without a mouthful to eat, and having had two engage- 
ments with the enemy, he had a little over three hundred men 
at Fort Erie, and had positive information that the enemy, 
numbering between five and six thousand, were within an 
hour's march of him : their drums and bugles could be dis- 
tinctly heard in his camp. Did he show any signs of being 
afraid to " shed blood ? " ISTo, brothers ; he then believed that 



18 

the great movement for Ireland's redemption was going on 
elsewhere; and the men are living to-daj, to whom he .sent 
the following message : 

" If the movement is going on elsewhere, I will remain here until to-morrow, 
and will make this old fort a slaughter-pen, which I know it will be, for I will 
never surrender." 

But when word was brought him that the movement was 
stopped, through the interference of the United States authori- 
ties, he then demanded transportation for himself and his men. 
"When no good to the cause of Ireland could result from it, he 
was "too virtuous" to "shed one drop of blood," either of his 
own or that of others. He is now willing to shed rivers of 
blood in " fair and honorable light," for he firmly believes that 
rivers of blood will have to flow before Ireland can take her 
place among the nations of the earth ; but not one drop that 
he can prevent shall ever flow by the dagger of the assassin. 
Revenge sure and certain, not only for the murders of the 
Manchester martyrs, and the cruel treatment of the other Irish 
patriots, who are now pining in British dungeons, but for all 
the crimes that England has perpetrated upon Ireland for the 
last seven hundred years. But it shall be done in ^' fair and 
honorable fight," and no other way. 

Brothers, I have spoken plainly, and perhaps you will say 
too strongly ; but I am in earnest, and shall act up to what I 
say. I have a lifetime and an existence to devote to the cause 
of Ireland ; but I have not one moment of time to fritter away 
at the whims or fancies of any man or set of men. I am ready 
for the work. You have brought us face to face with the 
enemy. Let who will go back or desert, we intend to go on 
and fight. On you be the responsibility of success or failure. 
But I have no fears, brothers ; I know you will come to our 
assistance, and participate in the glorious work, for which 
millions yet unborn will bless both you and us, and a just God 
wull smile upon our efi'orts, and crown them with success. 
Fraternally yours, 

JOHN O'KEILL, 

President F. B. 



DECLARATION OF PRINCIPLES, 

BY THE REPRESENTATIVES OF THE FENIAN BROTHERHOOD, IN 
CONGRESS ASSEMBLED. 



Cleveland, Ohio, Sept. T, IS 67. 

The national character of every people, and the principles 
which govern their actions, become of vital import when the 
community is placed, as it were, on trial before the world. The 
kindly sympathies which attach man to his fellow-man, and 
which, developing the highest instincts of his nature, constitute 
a bond of humanity stronger and more durable than the selfish 
considerations of interest, should always be directed in favor 
of right and justice, and against wrong and iniquity in every 
form. Hence, when an oppressed nationality endeavor by rev- 
olution to assert their claims to the God-given boon of liberty, 
it is both expedient and in entire accordance with the usages 
of society, that they should place on record the reasons that 
impel them to resort to such means, tlie objects in view, and 
the principles on which they rely to demonstrate the justice of 
their cause. 

It has been the misfortune of the people of Ireland that 
their oppressors have transmitted to the world nearly all that 
it has received concerning our history and character. The vic- 
tims of a relentless and long continued persecution, we have 
been represented by our tyrants in the light best calculated to 
subserve their own interests, and to screen the illegality of 
their usurped authority over a people who, though cut down 



•20 

by armed force, and for seven hundred years trodden under- 
foot bj an unscrupulous power, have never ceased to struggle 
for their rights, have never for an instant surrendered their 
claim to that independence which is the true life of a nation, 
as slavery, whether voluntary or accepted, is its virtual death. 
Our history has been falsified, our acts have been misconstrued, 
our motives and sentiments have been misrepresented by the 
agents of the power which has profited by our misery and 
enslavement ; until a large proportion of our fellow-men, view- 
ing us through this distorted medium, have come to regard us, 
as a race, as not only incapable of self-government, but actu- 
ally unfit to be entrusted with the management of our own 
affairs. To remove an idea so erroneous, and to correct an 
impression so unjust to a people who have long and generously 
sacrificed in the cause of liberty, the Congress of the Fenian 
Brotherhood, who in this generation represent the nationalists 
of Ireland, and embody their aspirations for the freedom of their 
native land, make this declaration of the principles by which 
our organization is actuated and guided ; and we ask our fel- 
low-men at large, and particularly the friends of freedom, 
everywhere, to respect our honor as truthful and liberty -loving 
men, and to judge us, not by the misrepresentations of our 
enemies, but by the principles we profess and the acts by which 
we prove our adherence to them. 

We believe and declare that freedom — the right to " life, 
liberty, and the pursuit of happiness " — is inherent in every 
creature made in the image and likeness of God, and that, 
however individuals, by crime or violation of the laws passed 
for the maintenance and well-being of society, may forfeit 
any portion of those rights, the enslavement of a homo- 
geneous people, either by foreign power or domestic tyranny, 
cannot, under any circumstances, be justified. The God of 
nature, in placing between the English and Irish nations not 
only the distinctions marked by differences of national charac- 
ter, but, also, natural barriers, which, — in spite of special leg- 
islation, designed to obliterate the nationality of Ireland, have 
kept them separate and distinct as peoples, — has written on 
imperishable record the claims of our country to independent 



21 

national existence, and made earth and sea the witnesses to 
the inviolability of our charter of freedom. Even had any 
generation of our race proved recreant, and voluntarily agreed 
to surrender their rights ias men, the limits fixed to human ex- 
istence, and the utter inability of man to legislate for anything 
appertaining to himself beyond this mortal sphere, are the seal 
and testimony set by the Almighty Creator on each of his 
creatures, to teach them, through all time, that the inalienable 
and indefeasible rights imparted with their being must come 
down to them undiminished and unimpaired by the follies or 
the crimes of their predecessors. But the title of our people 
upon this point is clear and unimpeachable. Through over 
twenty successive generations, they have never ceased to pro- 
test and struggle against the plunder of their national rights. 
From age to age the legacy of patriotic effort has been trans- 
mitted from sire to son ; and the dungeon, the scaffold, and the 
battle-field have proved the fidelity with which the sacred trust 
has been discharged. The Irish people of to-day are still the 
custodians of that great trust ; and, in their name, the Fenian 
Brotherhood has been organized to demand, and with the bless- 
ing of Heaven, to achieve, what so many of our race have at- 
tempted before — the liberation of our country from the domi- 
nation of England. We demand it in the name of every man of 
Irish blood throughout the whole earth ; and we desire to ac- 
complish it solely for th^ benefit of every Irishman, without dis- 
tinction of creed, or class, or political idea. We claim the 
land of our fathers for the benefit of the people whose birth- 
right it is, who love it with a filial affection, and who, by the 
eternal decree of their Maker, have earned, in the sweat (f£ 
their brows, the right to live upon, to possess, and to enjoy it. 
We seek injury to no man ; our quarrel is not with' any class, 
but with the government which has robbed and murdered our 
people, and with those who sustain it in its tyranny and usurpa • 
tion. If in our onward march to liberty any such oppose us, 
arrayed under the flag of the oppressor, — which has been the 
symbol of slavery in Ireland, and is the ensign of the enemy 
of liberty everywhere, — on their heads, not ours, be the conse- 
quences. We ask only justice for ourselves and our kindred ; 



22 

and the vindication of that principle requires that an alien 
power shall no longer be permitted, undisturbed, to devour our 
substance, while those who produce it by their toil, wither and 
pine in bondage which at once destroys their bodies and de- 
bases their souls. Our motto is, " Ireland — Free and Inde- 
pendent," for her own people first ; and, then, when her free 
will and action are untrammeled and unquestioned, for the 
freedom, the elevation, and the happiness of humanity, the 
world over. ISio narrow or restricted views confine our action. 
In the language of our Executive, " Faction we abhor ; section- 
alism we scorn." "We seek all the rights that, as men, belong 
to us ; and we seek them for the whole of our people ; we 
make no reservation, we tolerate no distinction that would 
divide the true children of Ireland. 

We have been accused of irreligion, and of seeking to un- 
dermine those great moral principles which, reminding men 
that their first duty is to their Creator, underlie and preserve 
the whole framework of society. The accusation is untrue 
and unjust. The genius of the Irish people is essentially re- 
ligious ; their history is a record of enduring faith ; of con- 
stancy under persecution ; of the noblest sacrifices cheerfully 
made in the sustainment of religion and morality ; of toler- 
ance and charity in the hour of triumph ; and the whole course 
of our organization proves that, in this respect, too, it truly 
represents and accords with the character of our race. Ee- 
ligion — the pure and reverential homage which man off'ers to 
his Maker — we regard as a sentiment too sacred to be mixed 
up with the strife of earthly interests ; and we leave it, un- 
touched, between the conscience of the individual and Him to 
whom the tribute is due. Content with the discharge of the 
second great duty that devolves on man, we do not ask of our 
brother at what altar he worships, satisfied when he honestly 
serves his country, and leaving to his own sense of right the 
obligations which he alone can discharge. 

Eepresenting the power which fifteen millions of the Irish 
people, scattered between the old world and the new, must 
necessarily exercise, if they be true to their country — we have 
adopted the alternative of revolution, because the slavery to 



23 

whicli our kindred are subjected has become too galling for hu- 
man endurance, too degrading to be submitted to unresistingly 
by beings endowed with the attributes of men. Our rights, 
the possession of our native soil, are kept from us by force, by 
the power which grasped both with armed hands. By force 
and arms alone can they be restored to us in their original in- 
tegrity ; and by force and the strength of our own arms we pro- 
pose to win them back. The task of their recovery belongs to 
us in the first place ; and by our efforts to consolidate and or- 
ganize our people, we but record our acceptance of tlie duty, 
and our determination to acquit ourselves of it like true men 
and faithful children of our country. 

Our cause is a just and holy one ; it is the struggle of right 
against wrong, of freedom against oppression. It is not alone 
the cause of a nation striving for its own independence : it is 
the effort of enslaved humanity to emancipate itself from the 
thraldom and debasement of feudal tyranny. 

The elevation of a down-trodden people is a benefit con- 
ferred upon the whole family of nations ; and of none might 
this be said more truly than of Ireland, which, from her posi- 
tion and resources,' is capable, if once free, not alone of ren- 
dering her own population happy and prosperous, but of dif- 
fusing, by example and influence, the spirit of independence 
throughout the world, wherever her scattered children are to 
be found. 

As a people, we have ever loved liberty, and struggled for 
its attainment ; as a people, we are in favor of liberty to-day, 
not in the ungenerous sense of those who would monopolize its 
blessings, to the exclusion of their fellow-men — but liberty as 
universal as the beneficence of the Deity, of which it is the 
emanation ; as impartial as His justice, which commands that 
we shall do unto others as we would be done by. Save this, 
we desire nothing for our race or our country. And, as we 
have commenced this struggle, determined to persevere in it 
until Heaven and the power of our own right arms shall have 
crowned our efforts with success, we ask the lovers of liberty 
everywhere to extend to our cause the aid and sympathy which 
t should receive from those who profess to be the friends of 



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human freedom. We ask them to regard us fairly, and to 
judge us not by the standard of oi3iEion of any individual, but 
by our own conduct, and the official acts and policy of our own 
elected representatives, who are the only legitimate exponents 
of our sentiments and principles. And, when the hour to 
strike shall have arrived, and we set our faces once more to- 
wards the foe,— determined to do or die in the final effort,— in 
the name of the God of Justice, whose inspiration and bless- 
ing we invoke for our cause ; for the sake of our common hu- 
manity, the advancement of which we seek ; and by the mem- 
ory of our martyred dead, who perished that others might live 
as freemen, we ask that the good wishes of all liberty-loving 
men, and especially the aid and influence of the great Ameri- 
can nation, shall be cast on the side of Liberty and Ireland, in 
the struggle to which we now commit ourselves, " our lives 
our fortunes, and sacred honor." 



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METAL EDGE, IIC 2007 PH 7.5 TO 9.5 RA.T. 



